Arif Dirlik’s latest offering is a revisionist perspective on Chinese radicalism in the twentieth century. He argues that the history of anarchism is indispensable to understanding crucial themes in Chinese radicalism. And anarchism is particularly significant now as a source of democratic ideals within the history of the socialist movement in China.

Dirlik draws on the most recent scholarship and on materials available only in the last decade to compile the first comprehensive history of his subject available in a Western language. He emphasizes the anarchist contribution to revolutionary discourse and elucidates this theme through detailed analysis of both anarchist polemics and social practice. The changing circumstances of the Chinese revolution provide the immediate context, but throughout his writing the author views Chinese anarchism in relation to anarchism worldwide.

Socialisme Ou Barbarie’s 1967 theses on Mao and the Chinese revolution.

1. When the armies of Mao Tse Tung and of General Chu Teh crossed the Yangtse river in April 1949, the seal of defeat was almost set on the forces of Chiang Kai Shek. His power had collapsed and before the autumn the Kuo Min Tang was to be driven from the mainland. The world started talking of a ‘victory for communism’ in China. The Kung Tsiang Tang (the KTT or the Chinese Communist Party) was however to characterise its military victory over the Kuo Min Tang as the ‘victory of the national bourgeois democratic revolution’ which had begun 38 years earlier. What the KTT proposed and what Mao Tse Tung considered his first task-was the ‘stimulation of the revolutionary process’. The bourgeois revolution, according to their beliefs, would be followed by the proletarian socialist revolution. At a later stage the ‘transition to communism’ would be on the agenda. There is a striking resemblance between the ideas of Mao and the KTT on the development of the Chinese revolution, and those of Lenin and the Bolsheviks on the development of the Russian revolution.

2. This similarity is not coincidental. In both countries the revolutions resulted from similar factors and conditions. Both countries were backward at the beginning of this century. Their relations of production and their patterns of exploitation were semi-feudal(or related to feudalism) and were predominantly based on agriculture. Their populations were largely peasant. Religious beliefs permeated both societies, reflecting the social conditions: in China Confucianism, and in Russia Greek Orthodoxy. The social reality In each country formed the basis of similarly oppressive regimes: the Tsars in Russia and the Manchu Emperors in China.

3. In both Russia and China the revolutions had to solve the same political and economic tasks. They had to destroy feudalism and to free the productive forces in agriculture from the fetters in which existing relations bound them. They also had to prepare a basis for industrial development. They had to destroy absolutism and replace it by a form of government and by a state machine that would allow solutions to the existing economic problems. The economic and political problems were those of a bourgeois revolution; that is, of a revolution that was to make capitalism the dominant mode of production.

probablyasocialecologist
The exchange of commodities by means of prices leads to profit making, to taking advantage and exploitation; in short, to some form of capitalism. If you do away with profits, you cannot have any price system, nor any system of wages or payment. That means that exchange must be according to value. But as value is uncertain or not ascertainable, exchange must consequently be free, without “equal” value, since such does not exist. In other words, labor and its products must be exchanged without price, without profit, freely, according to necessity. This logically leads to ownership in common and to joint use. Which is a sensible, just, and equitable system, and is known as Communism.
Alexander Berkman, What Is Communist Anarchism? 
anarcholiberalism
It is unrealistic to expect the entire working class to study leftist political theory and become militant anarchosyndicalists - however, this is not necessary for an anarchosyndicalist revolution to occur. The “theory” of anarchosyndicalism is not about dictating to workers what their political desires should be; it is about establishing political institutions which allow them to express these wills. That is to say, anarchosyndicalism does not seek to instill any specific political program in the minds of the working class - it merely insists that workers deserve to implement whatever political programs they see fit through self-administration.

At the same time, we realize that the working class has been systematically deceived into identifying their interests with capitalism and the “free market,” and as such, their revolutionary desires have been supplanted by the propaganda of the major political parties and bureaucratic trade unions. In order to present and demonstrate their political program to the workers, anarchosyndicalists should form separate political groups for the purpose of maintaining informal influence over the social movements and labor unions. For instance, the anarchosyndicalists of Spain formed the Iberian Anarchist Federation (FAI) to prevent the major anarchosyndicalist union (the National Confederation of Labor, or CNT) from being derailed to reformism. These anarchist political groups must work inside, not apart from, the unions and movements to maintain a revolutionary presence amongst workers.
anarcholiberalism
Whether we work in coal mines or coffee shops, on factory assembly lines or at grocery store conveyer belts, whether we are undocumented, single mothers, or queer, as working class people we are all similarly deprived of the wealth we create. To assign a revolutionary role to the working class does not mean to value miners, construction workers, or factory workers (all very masculine roles) over social groups such as the undocumented or the unemployed (themselves segments of the working class). The working class does not simply exist in relation to the Factory; we exist in relation to our landlords in apartment complexes, in relation to our neighborhoods and our neighbors, and so forth. In short, the working class is immersed in a world far more expansive than their place of work. Working class revolution should never be confused for workplace revolution.
The Organisational Platform of the General Union of Anarchists (Draft) | Dielo Truda

This is one of the most well known, influential and controversial texts on Anarchist organisation. It was written after the Russian Revolution in 1926 by a group of exiled Russian and Ukranian anarchists in France, the Dielo Truda (Workers Cause) group, which included former Maknovist Army commander Nestor Makhno. It offered lessons from the failure f the Russian and Ukranian movements during the Russian Revolution and sketches out a rough guide to developing a large democratic and formal fighting anarchist organisation.

The Organisational Platform of the General Union of Anarchists (Draft) | Dielo Truda

This is one of the most well known, influential and controversial texts on Anarchist organisation. It was written after the Russian Revolution in 1926 by a group of exiled Russian and Ukranian anarchists in France, the Dielo Truda (Workers Cause) group, which included former Maknovist Army commander Nestor Makhno. It offered lessons from the failure f the Russian and Ukranian movements during the Russian Revolution and sketches out a rough guide to developing a large democratic and formal fighting anarchist organisation.

thesubversivesound
thesubversivesound:

Lucy E. Parsons was a leading figure in American socialism, anarchism and the radical labor movement.
She organized against capitalism and government, and she also helped organize the IWW (Industrial Workers of the World). Described by the Chicago Police Department as “more dangerous than a thousand rioters” in the 1920s, Parsons and her husband had become highly effective anarchist organizers primarily involved in the labor movement in the late 19th century, but also participating in revolutionary activism on behalf of political prisoners, people of color, the homeless and women.
She died in a house fire in 1942 in Chicago. Government agents searched her home after the fire and removed many of her papers. Most of her writings have been lost to history.

A Lifelong Anarchist! Selected - Parsons, Lucy.mobi
A Lifelong Anarchist! Selected - Parsons, Lucy.epub

thesubversivesound:

Lucy E. Parsons was a leading figure in American socialism, anarchism and the radical labor movement.

She organized against capitalism and government, and she also helped organize the IWW (Industrial Workers of the World). Described by the Chicago Police Department as “more dangerous than a thousand rioters” in the 1920s, Parsons and her husband had become highly effective anarchist organizers primarily involved in the labor movement in the late 19th century, but also participating in revolutionary activism on behalf of political prisoners, people of color, the homeless and women.

She died in a house fire in 1942 in Chicago. Government agents searched her home after the fire and removed many of her papers. Most of her writings have been lost to history.

A Lifelong Anarchist! Selected - Parsons, Lucy.mobi

A Lifelong Anarchist! Selected - Parsons, Lucy.epub

thesubversivesound
thesubversivesound:

Featuring a riveting collection of anarcho-communist poetry, essays, articles, and diary entries, this translation of Erich Mühsam’s legendary writings introduces the German revolutionary’s ideas to English speakers for the first time.
Uniting a burning desire for individual liberation with radical, left-wing convictions and bohemian strains with syndicalist tendencies, this diverse body of work not only includes his main political pamphlet and one of the key texts in the history of German anarchism but also some of his best-known poems, unbending defenses of political prisoners, passionate calls for solidarity among the proletariat, recollections of the utopian community of Monte Verità, debates on the rights of homosexuals and women, and the role of intellectuals in the class struggle. Perfect for anarchists, activists, or those interested in German history, this expansive and enlightening compilation provides a deep understanding of this important historical figure.

Liberating Society from the State - Muhsam, Erich.pdf

thesubversivesound:

Featuring a riveting collection of anarcho-communist poetry, essays, articles, and diary entries, this translation of Erich Mühsam’s legendary writings introduces the German revolutionary’s ideas to English speakers for the first time.

Uniting a burning desire for individual liberation with radical, left-wing convictions and bohemian strains with syndicalist tendencies, this diverse body of work not only includes his main political pamphlet and one of the key texts in the history of German anarchism but also some of his best-known poems, unbending defenses of political prisoners, passionate calls for solidarity among the proletariat, recollections of the utopian community of Monte Verità, debates on the rights of homosexuals and women, and the role of intellectuals in the class struggle. Perfect for anarchists, activists, or those interested in German history, this expansive and enlightening compilation provides a deep understanding of this important historical figure.

Liberating Society from the State - Muhsam, Erich.pdf

class-struggle-anarchism
fuckyeahkropotkin:

The State: It’s Historic Role | Peter Kropotkin

The state - centralised, coercive authority - is there not just to keep law and order or to settle disputes, but to promote, uphold and defend systems of social and economic inequality - in other words, class interests. According to the author of this seminal anarchist text there is only one way of really understanding the State, and that is to study its historic development. That is just what Kropotkin does in this brilliant, erudite and provocative essay. In subjecting the build-up of statist forms of power to his critical analysis he demonstrates a radical and comprehensive understanding both of the nature of the state and the social conditions that support it.

fuckyeahkropotkin:

The State: It’s Historic Role | Peter Kropotkin

The state - centralised, coercive authority - is there not just to keep law and order or to settle disputes, but to promote, uphold and defend systems of social and economic inequality - in other words, class interests. According to the author of this seminal anarchist text there is only one way of really understanding the State, and that is to study its historic development. That is just what Kropotkin does in this brilliant, erudite and provocative essay. In subjecting the build-up of statist forms of power to his critical analysis he demonstrates a radical and comprehensive understanding both of the nature of the state and the social conditions that support it.

probablyasocialecologist
The real question at issue here is not organization versus non-organization, but rather what kind of organization the anarcho-communists try to establish. What the different kinds of anarcho-communist organizations have in common is organic developments from below, not bodies engineered into existence from above. They are social movements, combining a creative revolutionary lifestyle with a creative revolutionary theory, not political parties whose mode of life is indistinguishable from the surrounding bourgeois environment and whose ideology is reduced to rigid “tried and tested programs.” As much as is humanly possible, they try to reflect the liberated society they seek to achieve, not slavishly duplicate the prevailing system of hierarchy, class and authority. They are built around intimate groups of brothers and sisters—affinity groups—whose ability to act in common is based on initiative, on convictions freely arrived at, and on a deep personal involvement, not around a bureaucratic apparatus fleshed out by a docile membership and manipulated from above by a handful of all-knowing leaders.
Murray Bookchin, Listen, Marxist!